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•»!l<0  'uo|ipo(s    ^=Z 
A    "N  '•tnJojAs    


THE  AFFAIRS  OF  MODEJSLAND. 


DISCOURSE 


DELIVERED    IN 


THE  MEETING-HOUSE  OF  THE  FIRST  BAPTIST  CHI  EN  II. 


PROVIDENCE, 


MAY  22,  1842. 


BY    FRANCIS    WAYLAND. 


CfjtCH  I^fcttlOU. 


PROVIDENCE: 

i".   CRANSTON  &  CO.  AND  ft  ft  BROWN 

1842 


Pmt»XNCB,  .Mat',':!.  \-)l. 
To  the  Rev.  1)k.  Wayland, 

SIR, 
At  a  special  meeting  of  the  Charitable  Baptist  Society,  on  Monday, 
the  23d  of  May  inst.  it  was  unanimously  "Resolved,  Thai  the  thanks 
of  this  Society  be  presented  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Wavi.and,  for  hi*  able  and 
impressive  discourse  delivered  yesterday,  before  said  Society,  and  thai 
he  be  requested  to  furnish  a  copy  of  the  same  for  the  press.'1  And  it 
was  also  resolved,  that  the  undersigned  be  a  Committee  to  communi- 
cate to  you  the  above  resolution,  and  to  carry  the  same  into  effect. 
We  are,  very  respectfully,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servants, 

JOHN  PITMAN, 

A.  WOODS, 

GAMALIEL  LYMAN  DW1GHT. 


Providence,  Mat  24,  1*42. 
Gentlemen, 
The  Discourse  which  you  have  done  me  the  honor  to  request  for 
the  press,  was  written  without  the  remotest  intention  of  publication. 
The  subject  has,  however,  become  one  of  so  intense  interest,  that  1  do 
not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to  withhold  from  the  public  anything  within 
my  control,  which  you  believe  will  be  of  any  service  to  the  cause  of 
Liberty  and  Law.     I  therefore  submit  it  to  your  disposal. 
I  am, 

Gentlemen, 

Yours,  very  truly, 

F.  WAYLAND. 
Hon.  John  Pitman, 
Rev.  A.  Woods,  D.  D. 
Gamaliel  L.  Dtvight,  Eiq. 

CrymtmMee. 


A  DISCOURSE. 


PSALM   mm.  I. 

God    is    our    refuge    \m>    strength;    \    veri 

PRESENT    HELP    IN    TROUBLE. 

Called  upon  unexpectedly  to  address  you,  im 
brethren,  this  morning,  while  every  heart  is  still  throb- 
bing with  the  anxieties  of  the  past  week,  I  know  thai 
every  one  will  expect  me  to  make  the  event-  which 
have  transpired,  the  subject  of  the  present  discourse- 
My  own  mind  is  so  full  of  it  that  1  could  scarcely 
address  you  on  any  thing  else.  And  yet,  for  that  very 
reason,  I  am  forced  to  distrust  myself.  1  would  not 
intentionally  give  pain  to  any  thing  that  lives,  much 
less  to  a  fellow  citizen,  and,  least  of  all,  from  this 
place,  to  a  fellow  worshipper.  And  yet,  on  such  an 
occasion  I  cannot  be  silent,  and  if  I  speak,  I  musl 
speak  what  I  suppose  to  be  the  truth.  All  who  have 
ever  known  me  will  bear  me  witness  that  I  have  aev- 
er  mingled  in  the  strife  of  politics.  Never,  that  1  know 
of,  have  I  uttered  a  syllable,  either  from  the  pulpit  or 
the  press,  at  which  men  of  any  political  party  haw 
taken  exception.  This,  however,  is  no  part)  question. 
It  is  a  question  affecting  the  very  existence  of  society. 
During  the  past  week  we  have  been  called  upon  to 
decide,  not  whether  this  party  or  that  shall  be  in  tin 


ascendant,  l>m  whether  law  or  anarchy  shall  bear 
sway;  Dot  at  the  ballot  boxes,  to  express  our  peace- 
fill  wishes,  but,  at  the  cannon's  mouth,  to  determine 
whether  we  shall  be  governed  by  constitutional  law, 
or  trampled  under  foot  by  a  lawless  soldiery.  In 
such  a  case  as  this,  I  claim  the  right,  as  an  humble 
individual  and  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  to  speak 
what  I  think,  and  I  here  lift  up  my  heart  in  thanks- 
giving to  God,  that  those  laws  still  remain  in  force, 
under  whose  protection  I  may  do  this  fearlessly. 

I,  however,  beg  leave  to  say,  that  1  here  have  no 
question  to  raise  in  regard  to  suffrage  and  suffrage 
men.  My  own  opinion,  as  many  of  you  know,  has 
always  been  in  favor  of  the  extension  of  suffrage. 
In  this  point,  1  presume  that  this  community  is  very 
generally  agreed.  With  men  who  desire  a  change 
in  tliis  respect,  I  can  of  course,  have  no  controversy, 
and  they,  I  am  sure,  will  take  no  offence.  To  men 
who  have  been  misled  and  deceived,  who  were  not 
aware  of  the  designs  that  have  been  entertained,  and 
who  were  not  therefore  intentionally  responsible  for 
the  measures  which  have  been  pursued,  1  feel  every 
sentiment  of  kindness  and  respect.  For  their  sakes, 
gladly  would  I  cover  all  that  is  past  with  the  pall  of 
oblivion.  But  when  a  frightful  crime  has  been  medi- 
tated, and  but  for  the  goodness  of  God,  would  have 
been  perpetrated,  it  is  my  duty  to  my  fellow  men  to 
set  forth  its  nature ;  and  it  is  my  duty  to  God  to  call 
you  to  thanksgiving,  for  the  divine  interposition,  and 
here,  in  his  courts,  to  celebrate  the  praises  of  this 
merciful  deliverance. 

During  the  past  week,  m]  brethren,  we  have  pass- 


ed  through  a  fearful  crisis.  It  is,  I  suppose,  beyond 
question  true,  that  a  plan  was  matured,  not  onlj  to 
overturn  by  force,  the  established  government  of 

this  State,  but  to  take  military  occupation  of  this 
city,  to  subject  this  whole  people  to  martial  law,  to 
place  the  lives  of  us,  of  our  wives  and  children,  un- 
der the  power  of  armed  men,  who.  being  without  dis- 
cipline, could  have  been  under  no  control — to  ex- 
pose our  property  to  pillage,  to  put  at  defiance  tin- 
laws  of  the  land,  and  unless  all  this  was  tame!)  per- 
mitted, to  make  this  fair  city  a  scene  of  universal  car- 
nage. This  is  surely  bad  enough,  but  this  is  not  all. 
The  principles  which  have  been  avowed,  seem  to  me 
as  utterly  subversive  of  all  other  governments  as  the) 
are  of  our  own.  If  an  established  government  may 
be  overturned  on  the  principles  which  have  been  ad- 
vocated, and  in  the  manner  which  we  have  seen  at- 
tempted, no  constitution  in  the  land  is  worth  the 
parchment  on  which  it  is  written.  The  only  law 
that  would  be  known,  would  soon  be  the  law  of 
force.  The  only  principle  of  action  would  come  to 
be  the  love  of  plunder.  All  that  would  be  necessary  . 
in  order  to  establish  unlimited  power  over  us,  would 
be,  without  the  forms  of  law,  to  lay  claim  to  a  maj<  >ri 
ty,  and  assemble  a  sufficient  number  of  armed  men 
to  carry  its  decisions  into  effect.  The  same  means 
by  which  the  first  usurpation  was  accomplished, 
would  be  a  good  reason  for  perpetrating  a  second 
and  a  third,  each  one  more  bloody  and  tyrannical 
than  its  predecessor,  until  the  horrors  of  revolution- 
ary France  were  re-enacted  here,  and  then  until  the] 
terminated  in  as  fearful  and  inflexible  a  despotism. 


8 

I  regret  to  say,  that  if  these  principles  could  have 
obtained  a  foothold  here,  they  would,  I  fear,  have 
spread,  1  know  not  how  rapidly,  to  the  adjoining 
States.  Meetings  of  men,  sympathizing  as  it  is  call- 
ed, with  this  movement,  have  been  held  in  Boston, 
in  New-York,  in  Philadelphia,  and  in  other  places. 
They  have  been  fostered  and  abetted  in  some  cases, 
by  the  civil  magistrates ;  and  yet  more,  in  some  in- 
stances by  men  who  have  been  nurtured  among  us, 
who  have  sat  at  our  tables,  and  been  warmed  at  our 
iire-sides.  I  hope  that  such  men  have  been  deceiv- 
ed and  misled,  but  I  can  hardly  believe  it  as  much  as 
I  wish  1  could.  So  dire  is  the  lust  of  office,  so  blind 
the  rage  of  political  ambition,  that  I  fear  there  arc 
men  among  us  who  look  at  nothing  as  a  crime,  which 
will  put  them  at  the  head  of  the  strongest.  Such 
men  will  easily  find  a  multitude  to  follow  wherever 
they  will  lead.  Thus  the  flame  which  was  almost 
kindled  here,  might  have  spread  over  all  New-Eng- 
land. That  such  principles  would  have  ultimately 
triumphed,  I  do  not  believe,  for  the  Lord  God  Om- 
nipotent reigneth;  and  with  all  our  sins,  I  cannot 
believe  that  we  have  yet  deserved  so  awful  a  visita- 
tion. I  believe  that  throughout  our  country,  as  He 
has  done  here,  He  would  have  aroused  the  intensest 
love  of  right,  and  hatred  of  oppression.  I  believe  that 
rather  than  submit  to  such  a  despotism,  the  despot- 
ism of  lawless  force,  every  good  citizen  would  have 
contended  unto  death  ;  I  believe  that  such  an  attempt 
would  have  ended.  ;i>  it  lias  here,  in  utter  confusion. 
But  who  can  tell  what  such  a  contest  would  have 
cost  ?     Who  can  tell  what  blood  would  have  been 


9 

shed,  ere  v,r  should  have  been  again  restored  to 
tranquillity:  And  who  can  estimate  the  effect  on 
the  civilized  world,  of  such  ;i  spectacle  ?  Y\  ho  can 
tell  how  the  friends  of  liberty  would  have  been  con- 
founded, and  how  their  best  hopes  would  have  been 
dashed,  for  centuries  ?  The  very  notion  of  a  free 
government,  if  it  must  be  liable  to  convulsions  such 
as  this,  would  be  a  scoffing  and  a  bye-word.  Nay, 
I  already  feel  humbled  more  than  I  can  express, 
when  I  reflect,  that  the  news  of  this  wicked  design. 
borne  on  the  wings  of  the  wind,  is  already  on  its 
way  to  every  dwelling  in  the  civilized  world.  As  a 
citizen  of  this  State,  how  can  I  look  a  stranger  in 
the  face,  and  be  obliged  to  confess  that  this  soil  has 
been  degraded  by  men  who  were  assembled  with 
arms  in  their  hands,  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing 
a  government  under  which  every  man  has  ever  been 
most  perfectly  protected— under  which,  every  man 
has  enjoyed  the  most  perfect  liberty,  and  to  over- 
throw it  at  the  sacrifice  not  only  of  the  best  blood 
of  this  State,  but  of  the  blood  of  relatives,  of  breth- 
ren, nay  of  a  tender  and  too-indulgent  parent !  But 
the  subject  is  too  painful ;  I  can  pursue  it  no  farther. 
May  God,  in  his  infinite  mercy,  pardon  the  guilt  of 
this  transaction. 

But  from  all  this,  I  trust  a  merciful  Cod  has  de- 
livered us.  He  has  brought  to  confusion  this  design, 
so  steeped  in  atrocity,  and  all  good  men,  and  among 
them,  those  who  were  at  first  misled  into  a  partial 
participation  in  the  measures  in  which  it  commenced, 
see  it  in  its  true  character.  The  whole  feeling  of 
this  community  is  aroused,  and  Rhode-Island  is  her 


10 

.-ell  again.     Clod  himself  permitted  the  evil  doers  to 
awaken  our  fellow  citizens  to  their  danger.,  and  He 

In i nself  called  into  action  the  energy  required  to 
meet  and  to  dispel  it.  Without  aid  from  abroad,  by 
summoning  to  the  crisis  the  spirit  of  the  State,  He 
scattered  it  as  the  chaff  of  the  summer  threshing 
floor.  To  Him  be  first  of  all  the  praise  of  this  de- 
liverance. Here  in  thy  courts,  Oh  God,  here  un- 
der the  protection  of  constitutional  law,  here  in  the 
quiet  enjoyment  of  the  blessings  which  our  fathers 
have  bequeathed  to  us,  we  render  to  thee  the  hom- 
age of  humble  and  grateful  hearts.  To  thee  belong 
the  song  of  thanksgiving  and  the  anthem  of  praise. 
The  Lord  reigneth,  let  the  earth  rejoice ;  let  the 
multitude  of  isles  be  glad  thereof. 

And  next  let  us  tender  our  grateful  acknowledg- 
ments to  those  of  our  fellow  citizens,  who  perilled 
their  lives  in  support  of  liberty  and  law.     Blessed  be 
God,  that  the  blood  of  neither  party  has  been  shed, 
that  no  heart  has  been  called  to  mourn  the  loss  by 
death,  of  any  whom  it  held  dear.     But  I  well  know, 
that  had  such  a  sacrifice  been  necessary,  among  the 
company  of  citizens  who,  on  the  last  Tuesday  night 
were  assembled  to  defend  yonder  arsenal,  there  was 
not  one  who  would  not  have  cheerfully  sacrificed  it. 
And  a  similar  spirit  pervaded  the  multitude  who  were 
on  the  succeeding  day,  marched  to  disperse  the  in- 
surgents.    All  felt  that  all  they  held  dear  was  at  stake, 
and  all  felt  that  in  such  a  cause,  life  was  freely  to  be 
perilled.    And  not  to  our  townsmen  alone,  is  this  trib- 
ute of  acknowledgment  due.     Our  fellow  citizens 
from  Warren,  Bristol,  and  Newport,  who  with  such 


II 

promptness  came  to  our  assistance,  and  stood  with 
us  shoulder  to  shoulder,  in  the  defence  of  liberty  and 

law,  have  bound  themselves  to  us  by  a  tie  which 
shall  not  easily  be  severed.  Rhode-Island  will  long 
have  occasion  to  remember  them  with  gratitude. 

While,  however,  I  have  spoken  thus  of  this  occur- 
rence, I  desire  it  to  be  distinctly  understood,  that 
neither  1  nor  any  one  else  believes  for  a  moment 
that  the  vast  majority  of  our  fellow  citizens  who  were 
engaged  in  what  is  called  the  Suffrage  cause,  had 
any  participation  in,  or  even  knowledge  of  the  atro- 
cities that  were  intended.  Many  of  them  were  seen 
in  the  ranks  with  their  fellow  citizens,  prepared  to 
resist  this  violence  to  the  uttermost.  Others  who 
were  not  seen  there,  were  using  their  influence  to 
prevent  any  recourse  to  arms.  A  large  portion  of 
the  military  assembled  at  the  insurgent  head  quar- 
ters, knew  nothing  of  the  designs  of  their  leader, 
until  the  last  moment,  and  as  soon  as  they  were  in- 
formed of  his  intentions,  immediately  withdrew.  But 
a  very  few,  and  those  I  believe  principally  men  col- 
lected from  other  States,  eager  for  nothing  but  plun- 
der, were  prepared  to  shed  the  blood  of  this  city.  1  f 
there  were  those  among  us  who  were  prepared  for 
such  a  deed,  I  hope  that  I  shall  never  know  of  it. 
May  God  forgive  them,  and  grant  them  better  minds. 

But,  you  will  naturally  ask,  how  was  it  that  such 
an  attempt  could  ever  have  been  conceived,  and  how 
could  the  preparations  for  it  have  ever  been  made> 
in  such  a  city  as  this ;  a  city  in  which  peace  and  good 
feeling  have,  from  its  first  settlement,  so  universally 
prevailed  ?    I  feel  constrained  to  answer  this  question 


very  briefly,  as  there  arises  from  it  directly  many  a 
lesson  of  wisdom,  which  may  guide  us  in  the  future. 
This  difficulty,  as  you  are  all  aware,  arose  upon 
the  question  of  suffrage.    The  Charter*  under  which 
this  State  has  from  the  beginning  existed,  limits  this 
right  to  those  who  possess  real  estate  to  the  value  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty-four  dollars  ;  on  the  principle 
that  as  law  is  a  permanent  enactment,  those  only 
should  vote  for  legislators  who  have  a  permanent 
residence,  and  are  themselves  likely  to  be  affected  by 
their  own  decisions.  Of  this  permanence  of  residence, 
the  possession  of  real  estate  was  supposed  to  be  the 
most  appropriate  evidence.  And  moreover,  the  qual- 
ification was  placed  so  low,  that  it  was  believed  that 
most  persons  who  really  desired  to  participate  in  pub- 
lic affairs,  might  easily  do  so.    In  consequence  of  this 
arrangement,  the  number  of  voters  in  proportion  to 
the  whole  number  of  citizens,  was  less  than  in  most 
of  the  States  of  the  Union.    With  the  wisdom  of  this 
provision  I  have  nothing  to  do.     A  very  able  argu- 
ment might  easily  be  made  out  on  either  side  of  the 
question.     It  is,  however,  proper  to  remark  that  un- 
der it,  this  State  has  enjoyed  unexampled  prosperity. 
The  people  of  Rhode-Island,  whether  voters  or  not, 
felt  a  natural  pride  in  possessing  the  oldest  form  of 
social  organization  existing  in  any  part  of  this  new 
world,  from  Labrador  to  Cape  Horn.     No  instance 
has  ever  been  adduced,  so  far  as  I  have  been  in- 
formed, of    any  oppression  or  injustice  which  has 
occurred  under  it.     A  form  of  social  organization 
which  has  maintained  this  character  for  one  hundred 
and  eighty  years,  in  the  midst  of  a  people  proverbi- 
See  \<>f'  nil  last  page. 


13 

ally  jealous  of  their  rights,  could  not  surel)  contain 

any  element  essentially  unfavorable  to  liberty.* 

While,  however.  I  say  this,  it  is  proper  to  add  that 
in  my  opinion,  a  citizen  of  Rhode-Island,  who  has 
been  always  familiar  with  this  form  of  the  constitu- 
ency, does  not  readily  appreciate  the  manner  in 
which  it  strikes  persons  from  other  States,  who  have 
been  accustomed  to  a  wider  extension  of  .suffrage. 
It  gives  rise  to  odious  and  unkind  comparisons. — 
Hence,  whatever  may  be  its  practical  value  in  other 
respects,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  this  value 
may  be  overbalanced  by  the  ill-feeling  which  is  lia- 
ble to  be  engendered.  It  should  be  also  remember- 
ed that  in  any  social  compact,  not  only  the  rights  but 
also  the  feelings  of  our  fellow  men  should  be  strictly 
regarded  ;  and  that  it  is  frequently  better  to  yield  in 
a  doubtful  matter,  than  to  sutler  the  accusation  of  in- 
justice from  too  strict  an  adherence  to  our  own  opin- 
ions. Besides  this,  the  population  of  the  different 
towns  had  increased  in  very  different  ratios.  Hence, 
the  representation  had  become  palpably  unequal. 
There  was  therefore,  good  reason  for  a  revision  of 
the  whole  subject.  I  believe  it  to  be  at  present  uni- 
versally conceded  that  it  would  have  been  better  if 


'  The  authority  of  Mr.  Bancroft,  the  historian  of  the  United  States, 
is  very  explicil  on  this  subject  "The  Charter  Government,  constitu- 
ting, as  it  then  seemed,  e  true  democracy,  and  establishing  a  political 
system,  which  few,  beside  the  Rhode  Islanders  themselves,  believed  to 
be  practicable,  is  still  in  existence,  and  is  the  oldest  constitutional 
charier  now  valid,  in  the  world.  The  probable  population  of  K.  Inl- 
and at  the  time  of  its  reception,  ma\  have  been  2,500.  In  170  year?, 
that  number  has  increased  forty  fold  :  and  the  government  wlticii  was 
hardly  thought  to  contain  checks  enongh  on  Ou  power  oftheveople  to  endure 
among.-  '•■)■  pherds  and  farmers,  protects  a  dense  population,  and  the  ac- 
cumulation oi"a  widely  extended  commerce.  JVo  wherein  the  world, have 
life,  liberti/.  and  property  been  safer  than  inli.  Island.'" — Bancroft,  vol.  "-• 
p.  6i 


I 'I 

a  change  in  the  elective  francliise  had  been  made 
many  years  since,  i  lad  this  been  done,  it  would  have 
saved  us  a  period  of  intense  anxiety  and  alarm. 
While,  however,  I  say  this,  it  is  proper  to  add  that 
until  very  lately,  it  has  been  really  doubtful  whether 
a  change  was  actually  desired  by  any  large  number  of 
our  citizens.  Petitions  on  this  subject  were,  it  is  true, 
several  times  presented,  but  they  never  seemed  to 
arise  from  any  strong  feeling,  nor  to  assume  a  form 
that  called  for  immediate  action.  It  has  really  been 
a  matter  of  surprise  to  me,  that  the  question  awak- 
ened so  little  attention. 

Believing  that  this  change  ought  to  be  made,  the 
plan  was  some  time  since  suggested,  of  carrying  this 
object  into  effect  by  means  of  voluntary  associations. 
The  simple  object  of  these  associations  at  first,  was 
to  procure  a  change  in  the  constituency,   by  legal 
means  and  without  the  idea  of  violence.     To  this 
no  citizen  could  object,  and  had  these  associations 
been    restricted  to  their  original  design,  they  would 
have  accomplished  their   object  without  incurring 
even  the  suspicion  of  wrong.    But  here  allow  me  to 
caution  my  fellow  citizens.     A  voluntary  association 
for    an    innocent   object,  by  innocent    means,  is  of 
course,   in  itself,   innocent.     But  when  the  object 
strongly  interests  the  feelings  of  men,  it  is,  of  all 
tilings,  most  difficult  to  confine  it  to  its  original  de- 
sign.    It  forms  a  band  of  union,  by  which  the  whole 
power  of  the  association  may  be  brought  to  bear  up- 
on a    single  individual.     Hence,   every  member  is 
placed  under  the  control  of  the  whole.     The  body  is 
at  the  command  of  the  head,  and  thus  men  are  too 


15 

frequently  led  to  lose  sighl  of  the  object,  to  exchange 
it  for  another,  or  to  seek  its  attainment  by  means  of 
which  the}-  originally  bad  no  conception. 

Such  was  the  case  in  the  i  -  of  this  transac- 

tion.    Soon  was  engrafted  on  this  tal  idea  the 

notion  of  forming  a  distinct,  and  ;overnj 

ment,  without  regard  to  any  thing  that  at  present 
existed.  A  convention  was  held,  and  a  constitution 
framed.  When  this  instrument  was  proposed  to  the 
public,  a  large  portion  of  our  citizens  voted  for  it, 
without  the  remotest  conception  of  really  forming  a 
new  and  revolutionary  government,  hut  merely  as  an 
expression  of  their  desire  that  suffrage  should  be  ex- 
tended. Many  with  whom  I  have  conversed,  have 
thus  expressed  to  me,  in  the  fullest  manner,  their  in- 
tentions on  this  subject.  In  this,  I  must  be  allowed 
to  say  that  I  think  they  were  greatly  in  error.  They 
unintentionally  were  led  to  say  what  they  did  not 
mean,  and  the  result  was  unfortunate.  They  voted 
to  adopt  this  Constitution  as  the  supreme  law  of  the 
land,  when  they  merely  intended  to  say  that  they  de- 
sired the  constituency  to  be  enlarged.  Hence  ma 
jorities  were  claimed  which  did  not  really  exist,  and 
a  false  issue  was  given  to  this  whole  question.* 


*The  number  of  votes  thus  claimed  for  this  Constitution  was  nearh 
14,000.  A  large  number  of  these  wese  given  by  proxy,  and  as  do  oath 
was  taken  or  required  of  moderator,  clerk,  voter,  or  proxy,  "  one  can 
form  any  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  act  as  an  expression  of  the  pub* 
lie  opinion.  That,  it  was  by  no  mei  -  such  an  expression  as  justifies 
action  upon  it,  even  on  the  principles  which  were  assumed,  is  evident 
from  the  bet,  that  when  the  officers  under  this  constitution  were  chos* 
en,  but  ti,H7  persons  voted,  that  i<.  7. )•!'»,  or  more  than  one  half)  bad 
abandoned  it  ;  and  less  than  one  third  of  the  whole    number  of  adult 

male  inhabitants  appearing  in  its  favor.    1  make  this  note  merelj   t" 
show  that  I  have  not  Overstated  the  fort  in  the  paragraph  above. 


[6 

The  next  step  which  was  taken  was  to  assert  thai 
this  was  the  supreme  law  of  the  land,  and  io  ©led 
and  organize  a  government  under  it.  In  the  mean 
time,  however,  a  Constitution  proposed  in  conform- 
ity with  the  law  of  the  land,  and  ottering  very  nearly 
as  wide  an  extension  of  suffrage  as  had  been  at  first 
demanded,  was  offered  to  the  people.  This  you 
well  know  was  rejected  by  the  combined  vote  of  the 
whole  suffrage  party  and  of  those  citizens  who  did 
not  desire  any  change.  The  main  ground  of  the  con- 
troversy was  thus  changed,  and  the  original  ground 
abandoned.  It  was  no  more  in  the  main  a  practi- 
cal question  how  far  the  right  of  suffrage  should  be 
extended,  but  the  abstract  question  whether  the  as- 
serted majority  of  the  people,  a  majority  determined 
by  no  forms  of  law,  has  a  right  at  any  moment  to 
overturn  the  whole  fabric  of  existing  institutions  and 
form  a  government  at  will.  This  seems  to  me  no 
other  than  the  question  whether  in  entering  into  so- 
ciety, I  submit  all  that  renders  existence  valuable  to 
the  unlimited  power  of  a  majority,  or  whether  that 
majority  as  truly  as  the  minority,  is  subject  to  law : 
whether  when  1  swear  allegiance  to  a  government, 
I  mean  to  be  true  to  my  engagement ;  or  whether  I 
am  at  liberty  to  break  that  allegiance  as  soon  as  I 
please ;  whether,  in  fact,  existing  laws  and  Constitu- 
tions are  of  any  force,  or  whether  they  are  only  blank 
paper,  and  the  majority  have  a  right  to  govern  the 
minority  at  all  times  and  for  all  purposes,  according 
to  their  simple  will.  On  this  principle  I  see  not  how 
a  government  could  exist  lor  a  moment,  nay,  I  see 
not  how  society  could  be  held  together.     The  object 


17 

of  all  society  and  ;ill  government,  is  to  secure  to 
every  individual  his  just  and  natural  rights ;  but  how 
can  those  he  secured  when  the  majority  has  the  right 
to  do  whatever  it  has  the  power  to  do  ?  Solitude 
would,  in  such  a  case,  be  better  than  society,  inas- 
much as  freedom  by  one's  self  is  better  than  slavery 
in  company. 

When  the  tendency  of  all  this  became  apparent,  a 
large  portion  of  those  who  merely  desired  an  ex- 
tension of  suffrage  by  constitutional  means,  with- 
drew, and  henceforward  had  no  farther  participation 
in  the  transaction.  Still  it  was  determined  by  those 
who  remained,  to  organize  a  government,  and  this 
also  was  done.  Still  I  am  well  aware  that  a  large 
majority  had  no  intention  to  proceed  any  farther  than 
merely  to  give  the  question  a  form  which  might  bring 
it  before  the  General  Government,  in  order  that  the 
question  might  there  be  decided,  whether  or  not  they 
had  thus  far  acted  constitutionally.  When  this 
been  done  they  also  withdrew,  desiring  only  to  bring 
the  question  to  a  legal  issue.  Others,  who  did  not 
withdraw,  were  of  the  same  opinion,  and  remained,  1 
believe,  for  the  purpose  of  giving  an  innocent  termi- 
nation to  a  movement  which  they  could  not  arrest. 

The  die  however  had  been  cast.  There  had  been 
formed  an  organization,  purporting  to  be  the  consti- 
tutional government  of  Rhode-Island,  and  though  the 
greater  part  of  those  who  originally  commenced  this 
movement  had  withdrawn,  yet  those  who  remained 
claimed  the  right  to  exercise  the  supreme  authority 
of  the  State.  The  sentiments  expressed  in  the  letters 
of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  hnd  no  effect 


to  turn  them  from  their  purpose.  It  was  boldly  given 
out  that  the  question  was  to  be  settled  by  arms,  and 
that  this  Constitution  would  be  enforced  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet.  Argument  was  lost  sight  of 
and  the  attempt  was  made  to  overawe  the  citizens 
by  intimidation.  The  worst  passions  of  the  human 
heart  were  aroused  by  the  most  inflammatory  ad- 
dresses and  resolutions.  The  friends  of  liberty 
and  law  were  denounced  as  tyrants,  oppressors, 
aristocrats  ;  whow  ere  grinding  the  faces  of  the  poor, 
and  deserving  of  all  that  a  sanguinary  mob  could 
inflict,  and  it  was  plainly  intimated  that  the  cause 
of  liberty  required  the  infliction.  Many  of  our 
best  citizens  were  spoken  of  as  marked  men ;  and 
in  the  public  papers  their  places  of  residence  were 
designated  in  such  a  manner,  as  left  no  question  as 
to  what  was  intended,  in  case  of  an  outbreak. — 
The  notion  of  a  division  of  property  was  becoming 
somewhat  familiar ;  and  several  cases  have  been 
mentioned  to  me,  in  which  the  ignorant  and  vicious 
declared  that  this  division  of  property  was  to  be  ef- 
fected as  soon  as  the  new  government  came  into 
power,  and  that  henceforward  they  would  have  no 
occasion  for  labor. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  all  this  should  have  been 
for  so  long  a  time  patiently  borne,  and  that  this  com- 
munity was  not  sooner  aware  of  its  danger.  The 
reason  is  highly  honorable  to  our  citizens.  The  fact 
is,  that  so  accustomed  are  we  to  the  prevalence  of 
law,  so  confident  was  every  good  citizen  that  he  had 
done  justly,  that  all  seemed  willing  to  leave  the  whole 
matter  to  thp  returning  good  sense  of  those,  who, 


without  any  rational  cause,  seemed  bo  much  exaspe- 
rated. They  felt  themselves  strong  in  the  principles 
of  all  social  order  and  good  government,  and  there 
they  rested,  willing  and  ready,  as  soon  as  tranquillity 
should  be  restored,  to  make  another  attempt  to  form 
a  Constitution  which  should  remove  every  just  ground 
of  complaint.  Besides,  the  idea  of  shedding  blood 
was  abhorrent  to  the  mind  of  every  good  man,  and 
it  was  scarcely  believed  that  the  attempt  would  act- 
ually be  made  to  enforce  this  usurpation  at  such  a 
sacrifice.  They  also  believed  that  they  were  by  the 
Constitution  entitled  to  protection  from  the  General 
Government,  and  that  when  the  matter  came  to  this 
issue,  this  attempt  at  revolution  would  die  away  and 
be  forgotten. 

These  hopes,  however,  were  fallacious.  The  in- 
terference of  the  General  Government  was  withheld 
until  a  subsequent  contingency  should  arrive.  The 
leader  of  the  insurrection  made  an  appeal  from  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  to  those  whom  he 
chose  to  call  the  people  of  the  United  States.  In 
this  he  was  countenanced  by  large  meetings  in  New- 
York  and  other  places,  and  arms  and  assistance  were 
promised  him  in  the  prosecution  of  his  design.  He 
returned  to  the  city  on  Monday  last,  and  immediate- 
ly surrounded  himself  with  a  military  guard.  On 
the  next  day,  troops  to  the  amount  of  nearly  four 
hundred  were  assembled  at  his  head-quarters,  though, 
I  believe,  that  a  large  portion  of  these  came  together 
rather  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  his  arrest  than 
of  attacking  the  city.  On  Tuesday  afternoon  he 
seized  two  brass  field  pieces  belonging  to  an  artillery 


20 

company  in  the  city.  This  last  act  revealed  to  our 
citizens  their  danger.  They  immediately  flew  to 
arm?.  The  arsenal  was  fully  garrisoned,  and  prepa- 
rations were  made  for  resistance.  Orders  for  troops 
were  sent  to  Warren,  Bristol,  and  Newport.  At 
midnight  the  city  was  startled  by  the  rapid  discharge 
of  the  signal  guns  of  the  insurgents,  announcing  that 
they  had  commenced  their  march  upon  the  arsenal. 
Alarm  bells  were  rung  during  the  night,  and  the 
whole  city  was  under  arms.  The  morning  light, 
however,  brought  the  intelligence  that  the  attack 
upon  the  arsenal  had  failed,  that  the  insurgents  had 
retired  from  before  it,  and  had  mostly  returned  to 
their  homes.  About  a  hundred  were,  however,  as- 
sembled about  their  head-quarters.  By  eight  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  troops  arrived  from  abroad,  and 
nearly  eight  hundred  men  were  assembled  under 
arms.  They  marched  immediately  to  arrest  the 
mover  of  this  insurrection,  but  he  had  already  fled. 
All  but  a  few  desperate  and  intoxicated  men  were 
dispersed ;  and  these  promised  to  deliver  up  their 
arms  in  the  course  of  the  day.  By  the  ensuing 
morning  all  had  retired,  and  the  city  was  suffered  to 
resume  the  duties  and  avocations  of  peace. 

But  all  this  has  passed  away.  Would  that  it  could 
be  blotted  forever  from  the  memory  of  man.  Would 
that  the  events  of  the  past  week  could  be  erased 
from  the  record  of  the  things  that  have  been.  To 
what  this  project  tended  I  have  already  alluded.  To 
God  alone  is  our  tribute  of  gratitude  due,  that  it  has 
I  een  so  utterly  confounded.  Never  in  the  whole 
course  of  my  life  have  I  seen  so  clearly,  as  in  this 


21 

instance,  the  indubitable  evidence  of  the  Divine  in- 
terposition.    The  most  thoughtless  among  us  has  ;i 

thousand  times  acknowledged  it.  In  a  number  of 
instances  where  the  foresight  of  man  could  have 
given  to  events  no  direction,  where  the  passions  of 
nun  were  excited  to  the  uttermost,  by  a  series  of  al- 
most miraculous  providences,  (iod  appeared  to  save 
the  effusion  of  blood,  and  brought  this  transaction  to 
a  termination  at  which  good  men  of  all  parties  musl 
unfeignedly  rejoice.  Never  was  there  a  series  of 
events,  in  which,  from  the  beginning  to  the  end,  the 
finger  of  God  was  so  palpably  to  be  recognized. 
Never  had  this  city  or  this  State  occasion  for  so 
humble,  so  profound,  so  universal  a  thanksgiving. 

I  cannot  leave  this  part  of  the  subject  without  add- 
ing a  single  remark  on  the  phases  which  this  trans- 
action has  assumed,  and  the  design  which  it  ultimate- 
ly adopted.  There  was  first  a  voluntary  association 
with  affiliated  branches,  and  a  central  committee  for 
accomplishing  an  innocent  object  by  innocent  means. 
Next,  the  means  became  questionable,  and  then  the 
object  is  changed,  until  it  ends  in  the  attempt  at  a 
bloody  revolution  and  treason  against  the  State  and 
the  United  States.  At  every  step  the  whole  power 
of  the  association  is  brought  to  bear  upon  every  in- 
dividual, and  he  is  thus  constrained,  unless  he  have 
firmness  enough  to  break  loose  from  the  slavery,  to 
participate  in  measures  which  at  the  beginning  he 
could  not  have  looked  upon  without  abhorrence. 
Or,  view  it  in  another  light.  A  Constitution  is  voted 
for  without  the  forms  of  law,  and  of  course  in  such  a 
manner  that  none  could  pretend  to  determine  what 


>  > 


expression  of  the  wishes  of  the  people  it  really  sanc- 
tioned. As  measure  niter  measure  is  adopted, 
thousand  after  thousand  decline  any  farther  co-op- 
eration in  the  proceeding;  until  it  has  at  last  dwin- 
dled down  to  a  few  armed  men  of  desperate  for- 
tunes, who  pretend  to  be  acting  according  to  the 
will  of  the  majority  ;  and  who  in  the  name  of  liberty, 
attempt  to  seize  upon  the  government  and  subject 
I  his  city  to  pillage  and  murder.  Thus  easily,  is  an 
innocent  association  made  an  instrument  of  atro- 
cious wickedness.  Such  are  the  dangers  of  at- 
tempting to  remedy  what  we  consider  a  defect  in  a 
constitution,  without  regard  to  existing  and  consti- 
tutional laws. 

I  believe  that  my  fellow  citizens  now  see  this  sub- 
ject in  its  true  light.  Let  us  then  forget  what  is 
wrrong  in  the  past,  excepting  in  so  far  as  it  may 
teach  wisdom  for  the  future.  We  all  believe  that  it 
would  have  been  wise  long  ago  to  have  extended 
very  largely  the  right  of  suffrage,  and  to  equalize  the 
representation  of  the  different  sections  of  the  State. 
Let  us  then  be  prompt  to  act  accordingly.  And  let 
us  all  approach  this  subject  as  citizens  of  Rhode- 
Island,  good  men  and  true.  Let  us  lay  aside  our 
pre-conceived  opinions,  the  prejudices  of  party  and 
of  locality,  and  deliberate  with  a  single  desire  for  the 
<Tood  of  the  whole.  We  desire  a  Constitution  which 
shall  secure  to  us  and  our  children,  the  fullest  meas- 
ure of  constitutional  liberty.  To  attain  this  result, 
let  us  all  meet  together  as  brethren,  in  the  true  spirit 
of  conciliation  and  patriotism.  Thus  only  can  we 
expect  that  heaven  will  smile  upon  our  endeavors. 


Thus  only  shall  we  show  that  the  lesson  of  the  past 
has  not  been  read  to  us  in  vain. 

I  have  thus  far  considered  merely  the  social  as- 
pects of  this  transaction.  But  a  more  solemn  duty 
is  now  devolved  upon  me.  It  becomes  me  to  speak 
of  it  as  the  messenger  of  God,  charged  by  him  with 
the  obligation  to  set  it  before  you  in  the  light  of  eter- 
nal truth.  1  have  thus  far  called  you  to  thanksgiving: 
I  now  call  you  to  repentance.  Bear  with  me  while 
I  speak  to  you  on  this  subject,  briefly  but  freely. 

1.  During  the  progress  of  this  contest,  the  most 
unhallowed  passions  of  the  human  heart  have  been 
excited.  Men  have  looked  upon  each  other  with 
envy,  malice  and  revenge.  On  both  sides,  1  fear, 
that  emotions  have  been  excited  on  which  a  holy 
God  has  looked  down  with  sore  displeasure.  What- 
ever crime  our  fellow  men  may  have  committed,  we 
are  forbidden  to  cherish  towards  them  any  other  feel- 
ings than  those  of  pity  and  compassion.  And  even 
when  we  are  called  to  oppose  their  measures,  and 
resist  their  wrong  doing,  we  should  allow  ourseh res 
in  no  sentiment  towards  them  but  that  of  good  will. 
It  is  one  thing  to  abhor  the  transgression,  and  another 
to  hate  the  transgressor.  Love  your  enemies,  bless 
them  that  curse  you,  and  pray  for  them  that  despite- 
fully  use  you,  is  the  precept  of  that  Saviour  who 
will  judge  both  you  and  me  in  righteousness.  That 
man  has  been  in  a  very  unfit  frame  of  mind  to  meet 
his  God,  who  has  not  been  in  the  daily  habit  of  com- 
mending those  who  have  differed  from  him,  to  the 
compassion  of  his  Father  who  is  in  heaven.  If  there 
he  anv  one  who  has  not  thus  lived.  I  call   him  to  re- 


24 

pentance,  to  forgiveness,  to  charity.  Unless  ye  for- 
give men  their  trespasses,  neither  will  your  Father 
who  is  in  heaven  forgive  your  trespasses. 

2.  But  secondly,  there  has  been  committed,  in  the 
progress  of  this  transaction,  a  frightful  amount  of 
crime.  This  movement  has  been  fostered  and  sus- 
tained by  a  series  of  most  astonishing  falsehoods. 
The  public  has  been  deceived  by  the  reiteration  of 
statements  on  every  subject,  which  must  have  been 
known  by  those  who  uttered  them,  to  be  wholly  with- 
out foundation  ;  and  by  promises  which  never  could 
be  fulfilled,  or  fulfilled  only  by  acts  of  the  most  atro- 
cious wickedness. 

3.  It  has  been  kept  alive  by  the  propagation  of 
the  most  false  and  malicious  slanders ;  and  by  threats 
of  perpetrating  the  foulest  crimes.  Ignorant  and 
abandoned  men  have  been  urged  onward  to  treason, 
by  the  hope  of  glutting  their  revenge  against  those 
who  had  always  proved  themselves  their  best  and 
truest  friends,  and  by  the  expectation  of  plundering 
those  who,  it  was  supposed,  had  not  the  strength  or 
spirit  to  resist.  The  most  virtuous  citizens  of  Provi- 
dence have  been  stigmatized  as  its  direst  enemies  ; 
and  those  whose  public  liberality  had  done  honor  to 
the  city,  were  the  first  to  be  designated  for  destruc- 
tion. On  this  subject  I  may  be  permitted  to  bear 
my  public  testimony  to  the  city,  which  some  time 
since  I  entered  a  stranger.  I  have  resided  here  for 
about  fifteen  years.  I  have  mingled  with  citizens 
of  every  name  and  of  every  class.  I  have  the  honor 
to  number  among  my  friends,  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
of  every  sect  and  of  all  parties,  and  I  do  not  believe 


2:> 

that  there  is  a  city  in  the  world  in  which  then-  exists 
a  more  universal  a  feeling  of  kindness.  1  never  knew 
a  community  in  which  the  deserving  poor  were  so 
immediately  relieved,  or  where  a  desire  for  the  good 
of  the  whole  was  more  universally  diffused.  Let 
any  one  come  among  us,  and  look  around  upon  the 
monuments  of  our  patriotism  and  social  feeling.  By 
whom  was  that  Athenaeum  founded  and  so  endowed, 
that  for  a  trilling  expense  its  literary  treasures  are  at 
the  command  of  every  citizen  among  us?  Who  are 
the  warmest  friends  of  our  common  schools,  and  who 
have  been  the  most  zealous  to  carry  intellectual  and 
moral  cultivation  to  every  bosom  and  every  fireside? 
Who  are  the  men  that,  in  times  of  public  distre  . 
and  of  pecuniary  pressure,  have  been  most  ready  by 
their  advice,  their  endorsements,  and  their  loans,  to 
relieve  the  embarrassed,  and  to  assist  the  failing  r  I 
blush  to  say  it  is  the  very  men  who  have  been  de- 
nounced as  tyrants  and  oppressors.  And  this  has 
been  done,  must  1  say  it,  or  at  least  it  has  been 
countenanced  and  abetted  by  men  who  call  them- 
selves the  disciples  of  the  Lord  Jesus,  who  partake 
of  the  elements  of  that  body  which  was  broken, 
and  that  blood  that  was  shed  for  our  sins,  and  who 
profess  to  be  cultivating  in  their  hearts  the  temper 
of  a  holy  heaven. 

I  am  aware  that  it  may  be  said  thai  all  this  was 
merely  intended  to  intimidate,  and  that  ii  was  never 
intended  to  put  such  threats  into  execution.  I  am 
willing  to  believe  it.  But,  I  ask,  is  it  no  wrong  to 
utter  a  false  and  malicious  lie,  a  \il<'  and  atrocious 
I 


26 

libel :  Is  it  no  wrong  to  hold  up  a  man's  neighbors 
and  fellow  citizens  as  outlaws,  when  he  knows  that 
they  deserve  his  gratitude  and  respect?  Is  it  no 
wrong  to  urge  men  to  pillage  and  murder,  and  goad 
their  passions  to  action,  and  then  to  say  that  we 
thoughl  they  would  never  do  it?  Had  any  of  these 
consequences  ensued,  the  men  who  have  uttered  such 
sentiments,  and  the  men  who  have  caused  them  to 
be  uttered,  would  in  the  sight  of  God  and  man,  be 
guilty  of  murder  :  and  at  the  bar  of  God  they  would 
have  to  answer  for  it.  In  his  holy  word  it  is  written 
that  murderers,  and  all  liars  have  their  portion  in  the 
second  death. 

But  it  wall  be  said  the  end  was  right,  we  were  on- 
ly seeking  that  to  which  we  were  justly  entitled.  1 
answer,  this  may  be  clearer  to  you,  than  to  your 
neighbors.  But  suppose  this  to  be  so,  does  the  end 
justify  the  means  ?  Has  God  permitted  you  to  seek 
even  a  just  end  by  falsehood  and  slander,  and  by  a 
course  of  measures  which  must  naturally  tend  to 
pillage  and  bloodshed  ?  You  may  say,  we  did  not 
intend  this,  but  if  you  did  not,  some  of  your  asso- 
ciates did  ;  and  did  you  not  know  that  a  social  revo- 
lution is  never  accomplished  without  it  ?  Do  you  say 
vou  did  not  anticipate  this  ?  I  ask,  then,  was  it  wise 
for  you  to  embark  in  such  an  undertaking,  without 
knowing  whither  it  would  lead  ?  No  end  whatever 
can  justify  such  enormities  ;  for  nothing  whatever  is 
a  sufficient  reason  for  doing  wrong.  Whatever  may 
be  the  end  for  which  crime  may  be  committed,  the 
crime  remains  the  same.  I  do  not  say,  that  if  we 
have  done  it  ignorantlv.  the  guilt  is  the  same.     But 


Li 


even  in  tins  case,  we  are  bouiid  to  confess  our  error, 
and  to  repent  of  our  wrong  doing  before  ( Jod. 

13ut  this  is  not  all.  This  movement  aimed  ;it  the 
overthrow  of  the  lawful  government  ;  one  of  the 
gravest  crimes  which  can  be  committed  against  soci 
et\.  Whatever  may  have  been  the  natural  rights  ol 
men  previously  to  a  social  organization,  in  forming 
such  an  organization,  they  enter  into  a  mutual  agree- 
ment to  guarantee  to  each  other  the  enjoymenl  pf 
life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  By  virtue 
of  this  compact,  every  one  of  us  is  protected  in  the 
possession  of  all  that  he  holds  dear.  After  it  has  been 
formed,  the  whole  society,  both  majority  and  minor- 
ity, those  in  power  and  those  out  of  power,  are  sol- 
emnly bound  by  its  provisions.  If  a  majority  o 
power  may  overturn  it  at  will,  a  majority  in  poiver 
may  do  the  same  ;  and  thus,  all  constitutional  rigjttl 
is  merged  in  the  will  of  the  strongest.  He  who  im- 
dertakes  to  effect  a  revolution  by  force,  thus,  not 
only  puts  to  the  extremest  hazard  all  the  present  in- 
terests of  the  community,  but  renders  it.  perfectly 
uncertain  in  what  manner  it  will  ever  again  be  pr 
ganized.  The  man  himself  may  not  mean  to  pro- 
ceed so  far,  but  how  shall  he  control  the  instruments 
which  he  himself  has  used,  and  whose  passions  he 
himself  has  excited?  Within  the  past  week,  ever} 
one  of  us  has  been  able  to  form  a  slight  conception 
of  what  must  Ik;  the  results  oi"  such  a  catastrophe. 
Everyone  felt,  that  if  the  lawful  government  of  this 
State  were  overturned,  no  security  for  person  or  pro- 
perty could  remain,  but  that  all  was  at  the  m<  n     ol 


lawless  violence.     I  ask,  what  then  can  involve  the 
elements  of  a  greater  civil  crime  ? 

But  it  may  be  asked,  is  a  revolution  never  to  be 
justified?  I  answer,  the  proper  object  of  all  govern- 
ment is  to  secure  to  every  individual   the  lull  enjoy- 
ment of  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
or  the  power  to  do  in  every  respect  as  he  will,  if  he 
interfere  with  the  rights  of  no  other  human  being. 
For  this  end  is  government  instituted ;  and  never, 
until  it  utterly  fail  to  accomplish  these  purposes,  can 
it  be  rightfully  overturned.     No  other  rule  can  be 
safely  adopted  ;  for,  if  my  dislike  of  some  of  the  pro- 
visions of  a  government  be  a  sufficient  reason  for 
taking  up  arms  against  it,  no  form  of  social  organ- 
ization could  endure  for  a  day,  but  every  thing  would 
be  tossed  about  in  the  whirlwind  of  ceaseless  revo- 
lution. 

But  this  is  not  all.  The  precepts  of  religion  are 
explicit  upon  this  subject.  The  New  Testament 
teaches  us  that  government  is  an  ordinance  of  God, 
and  that  God  himself  commands  us  to  obey  it. — 
Thus,  Rom.  xiii.  1 :  "  Let  every  soul  be  subject  to 
the  higher  powers  ;  for  there  is  no  power  but  of 
God;  the  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God. 
Whosoever  therefore  resisteth  the  power,  resisteth 
the  ordinance  of  God,  and  they  that  resist  shall  re- 
ceive to  themselves  damnation.  Wherefore  ye  must 
needs  be  subject,  not  for  wrath,  but  for  conscience 
sake."  Thus,  also,  Titus  iii.  1  :  "  Put  them  in  mind 
to  be  subject  to  principalities  and  powers;  to  obey 
magistrates,    to  be  ready  to  every  good  work."-— 


29 

Again,  1.  Pet.  ii.  IS  :"  Submit  yourselves  to  ever j  01 

dinaace  of  man  for  the  Lord's  s;il<c  ;  whether  to  the 
king,  '^  supreme,  or  unto  governors,  as  unto  them 
that  are  sent  bv  him,  for  the  punishment  of  evil  do- 
ers, and  the  praise  of  them  that  do  well.  As  free, 
and  not  using  your  liberty  as  ;i  cloak  of  malicious- 
ness, hut  as  the  servants  of  God.  Honor  all  men, 
love  the  brotherhood,  fear  God,  honor  the  king." 
These  laws  of  the  Saviour  are  as  explicit  as  language 
can  make  them,  and  they  derive  a  greater  stringency 
from  the  fact  that  the  government  under  which  the) 
were  written,  and  to  which  they  immediately  reler- 
red,  was  neither  just  nor  paternal. 

Such,  do  I  assert  to  be  the  law  of  God  in  this 
matter.  We  are  not  at  liberty  to  enter  a  societj 
and  enjoy  its  advantages,  and  then  conspire  to  over- 
turn it ;  to  swear  allegiance,  and  when  we  please, 
to  violate  it.  We  have  no  more  liberty  to  overturn 
the  social  compact  when  we  will,  than  tin1  marriage 
compact.  If  we  do  it,  we  not  only  violate  our  en- 
gagements to  man,  but  we  are  guilty  of  a  sin  against 
God.  Such,  my  brethren,  do  I  believe  to  be  the 
law  of  that  Saviour  whom,  in  the  presence  of  God 
and  men,  you  have  promised  to  obey.  You  have  no 
more  right  to  violate  this,  than  any  other  of  his  com- 
mands, and  if  you  do  it,  he  has  told  you  that  you 
shall  receive  his  condemnation.  If  with  a  knowl- 
edge of  his  will  you  violate  it,  you  do  it  at  the  peril 
of  your  souls. 

I  maybe  told  that  this  is  a  new  doctrine,   and    re 
strictive  of  liberty.      I  reply,  it  is  no  newer  than  the 
times  of  the  apostles ;  and  it  is  just  as  restrii  live  a* 


30 

the  Holy  Spirit  himself  has  made  it.  The  laws 
which  I  have  repeated  to  you  are  those  which  Christ 
has  enacted.  If  you  are  his  disciples,  you  must  obey 
them,  or  he  will  declare  "  I  never  knew  you."  You 
must  choose,  therefore,  in  this  matter,  whom  ye  will 
serve. 

I  ask  you  then,  brethren,  is  there  any  of  you  who 
have  been  implicated  in  this  attempt  to  overturn  this 
government  by  force  ?  Have  you  encouraged  this 
violence  by  your  actions,  your  conversation,  your 
presence,  or  your  example  ?  I  call  upon  you  to  ex- 
amine your  conduct  and  your  motives  in  the  light  of 
God's  holy  word.  By  that  will  you  be  judged  at 
the  coming  day.  Wherein  you  have  sinned,  confess 
and  forsake  your  fault,  and  seek  for  the  pardon  of 
God  through  the  merits  of  his  Son. 

It  may  be  asked  why  I  take  this  occasion  to  speak 
of  these  things,  while  feelings  yet  sensitive,  are  liable 
to  be  wounded.  I  answer  you  frankly.  I  have 
been  informed  that  a  considerable  number  of  pro- 
fessing Christians  in  this  city  have  been  deluded  into 
a  participation  in  these  transactions.  I  know  that  it 
has  brought  a  sad  disgrace  upon  the  cause  of  Christ. 
If  such  things  are  consistent  with  the  religion  of 
Jesus  Christ,  then  the  religion  of  Christ  is  a  fable. 
When  such  things  are  done,  it  becomes  me  to  speak 
freely.  1  could  not  recommend  the  gosjel  to  my 
fellow  men,  if  I  did  not  at  first  relieve  it  from  this 
foul  dishonor. 

Does  any  one  say,  I  never  thought  of  all  this  ?  But 
my  brother,  it  is  written  in  the  Bible  ;  why  did  you 
not  think  of  it  ?      Did  vou  go  where  you  would  be 


31 

likely  to  be  put  in  mind  of  it  ;  Did  you  t;ike  coun- 
sel of  the  aged — the  discreet — the  heavenly-minded 
saint,  in  this  matter3     Were  you  the  companion  of 

all  those  who  fear  God  and  keep  his  command- 
ments ?  Was  your  delight  in  the  law  of  the  Lord, 
and  in  his  law  did  you  meditate  day  and  night  ? 
Have  you  not,  my  brother,  deeply  erred  in  this 
thing  ?  And  if  you  have  erred,  you  are  this  morn- 
ing called  to  confession  and  repentance.  Your  fel- 
low citizens  and  the  Church  of  Christ  have  a  riffht 

D 

to  expect  this  of  you.  The  Saviour  whom  you  have 
disobeyed,  and  whose  cause  you  have  put  to  shame, 
requires  this  of  you.  Meditate,  I  pray  vou,  upon 
these  tilings. 

Allow  me,  brethren,  to  close  by  a  brief  suggestion 
of  the  sentiments  proper  for  this  occasion.  Let  us 
first  of  all  lift  up  our  hearts  to  God,  in  devout  grati- 
tude, for  the  preservation  which  he  has  wrought,  and 
let  us  by  holier  and  more  charitable  lives,  show  that 
He  has  not  chastened  us  in  vain.  Let  each  one  of  us, 
of  every  party,  review  before  God,  the  events  of  the 
past  month,  and  humbly  repent  of  every  wrong  to  his 
neighbor,  or  sin  against  God,  which  he  has  by  thought, 
or  word,  or  deed  committed.  Let  us  with  hearts  full 
of  forgiveness,  commend  those  whom  we  believe  to 
have  erred,  to  the  pardoning  mercy  of  God,  and  the 
sanctifying  efficacy  of  his  Holy  Spirit.  And  let  u^ 
look  with  devout  and  pious  confidence  to  God,  for 
protection  in  time  to  come.  In  his  hand  are  the 
hearts  of  all  men.  He  can  confound  the  counsel  of 
the  wicked,  and  scatter  those  that  delight  in  war. 


32 


May  lie  be  a  wall  of  fire  round  about  us,  and  the 
glory  in  the  midst  of  us;  and  to  his  name  shall  be 
the.  praise  forever.     Amen. 


Since  the  first  editioir  has  passed  through  the  press,  the  au- 
thor has  received  the  following  note  from  the  Hon.  John 
Pitman,  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  the  U.  States,  which  In- 
here with  pleasure  subjoins. 

Providence:,  May  28,   1H.'. 
Rev.  Dr.  Wayland, 

Dear  Sir — As  a  second  edition  of  your  Sermon  is  about  to  be  pub- 
lished, I  am  desirous  that  a:i  error  should  he  corrected  which  occurs 
on  the  13th  page. 

The  Charter  of  lf>(h!  contains  no  limitation  or  regulation  of  the 
rightvof  Suffrage.  The  freehold  qualification  was  enacted  by  an  act 
of  the  General  Assembly,  and  was  the  work  of  the  people  themselves, 
by  their  delegates. 

The  Charter  authorized  the  General  Assembly  to  choose  such  per* 
bobs  as  they  should  think  fit,  "to  be  free  of  the  said  Company  and 
body  politic,  and  theni  into  the  same  to  admit."  This  power  of  admit- 
ting freemen  the  General  Assembly  exercised  until  they  authorized 
the  several  towns  to  admit  freemen.  Jn  1724,  i  n  i  cl  was  passed,  by 
the  Genera]  Assembly,  which  provided  thai  uo  person  should  be  ad- 
mitted a  freeman  unless  he  owned  a  freehold  estate  of  a  certain  value, 
or  was  the  eldest  son  of  such  a  freeholder.  Such  has  been  the  law 
ever  since,  though  subsequent  acts  changed  the  value  of  the  freehold 
necessary  for  such  admission. 

This  feature  in  the  Constitution  of  our  State  is  not  therefore  attribu- 
table to  Charles  II.;  it  was  the  work  of  the  people  of  this  State,  who 
had  the  liberty  to  make  such  a  fundamental  law  for  themselves,  and  it 
has  been  twice  re-enacted  by  the  people's  delegates,  (in  the  Digesl  of 

1798,  and  of  1892,)  since  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
I  am,  very  respectfully,  Sir, 

Four  obedient   servant, 

.KHI\     PITMAN. 


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